Chick Corea Spain Transcription Pdf Viewer

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SUPPORT US ON PATREON: Get the pdf at: This is the transcription of Chick Corea's piano solo on the classic tune 'Spain'. It became a classic on the album 'Light as a Feather' with Return To Forever. The band includes Stanley Clark on bass, Joe Farell on Flute, Airto Moreira drums and of course Chick Corea on rhodes. This is a concert score, if you need it transposed for another instrument, send me a message. For a FREE PDF DOWNLOAD of this transcription go to.

Chick Corea Spain Transcription Pdf Viewer

Paul Jennings' masterful arrangement from 1982 has stood the test of time and sounds as fresh today as it did when it was written. The authentic sounds of Chick Corea's classic are faithfully captured and this new edition which is notated in cut-time, rather than 4/4, makes it much easier to read. A real gem for every jazz. Chick Corea Transcription Pdf Viewer. Search results for: chick corea transcription pdf and a history of modern europe john.

The story behind a modern jazz standard AP Images The son of a trumpeter in a Dixieland band, the virtuosic keyboardist Chick Corea is revered as one of the principal alchemists in the fusion of jazz with rock, funk, and Latin music. Heli X Crack Simulator Central. After recording his seminal 1968 album, Now He Sings, Now He Sobs, he replaced Herbie Hancock as the piano chair in Miles Davis's band—the band that recorded such classic albums as Bitches Brew. Throughout his eclectic career, Corea has collaborated with vibraphonist Gary Burton and banjoist Bela Fleck, pioneered the use of the Fender Rhodes electric piano, and won 16 Grammys. Pro Tools Plug In Torrents. In 1972 he founded the jazz fusion group Return to Forever, which he's steered through several lives—including Return to Forever IV, which recently concluded its 2011 World Tour. Here, Corea shares the original sheet music for 'Spain,' a composition for the group's 1972 sophomore album, Light as a Feather. Spain by on Grooveshark At the time I was in love with Miles's 'Sketches of Spain,' with Gil Evans.

On that record Gil has this fantastic arrangement-it's the second movement of Joaquin Rodrigo's 'Concierto de Aranjuez.' I fooled around with that theme, extended it and composed some melodies, which turned out to be the main themes of 'Spain.' I always play Rodrigo's second movement as a keyboard intro.

I work out alternatives in my head, toss them around, play them on the piano until I find a piece that's the best. And I don't set anything down onto paper until I've got a pretty long flow, a complete melodic statement.

By 1976 or so, I started to tire of the song. I started playing really perverted versions of it-I'd refer to it just for a second, then I'd go off on an improvisation. Once the acoustic band was in action, sometime around '85, I decided to try my hand at a rearrangement of the piece. Then there was the orchestral arrangement.

Even with my current band, Return to Forever IV, we're still playing 'Spain.' We've gone back to the original arrangement.

Click the images below to enlarge Maybe another tune will come to the forefront. Probably not, at this part of my life. I don't know.

I don't think any artist really knows why a song gets popular. A lot of artists say, we'll, it was a sing-able melody, the rhythm was infectious. You could surmise a lot. The constant challenge is not so much the creative process, but the challenge of presenting an idea to the public. It's a constant challenge to get your arrangement and musical expression across to a new audience, especially when you're playing live every night, like we are.

Miles set this example of creative fearlessness. He kept changing the way he played. He kept changing the poem of his music. Now, when I play soul piano, for instance, and I play a rendition of 'Spain,' I do it deconstructively. That's the most fun, but I can only do that when I'm on my own. -Chick Corea, as told to Alex Hoyt.

No man can serve two masters, the Bible teaches, but Mike Pence is giving it his all. It’s a sweltering September afternoon in Anderson, Indiana, and the vice president has returned to his home state to deliver the Good News of the Republicans’ recently unveiled tax plan. The visit is a big deal for Anderson, a fading manufacturing hub about 20 miles outside Muncie that hasn’t hosted a sitting president or vice president in 65 years—a fact noted by several warm-up speakers. To mark this historic civic occasion, the cavernous factory where the event is being held has been transformed. Idle machinery has been shoved to the perimeter to make room for risers and cameras and a gargantuan American flag, which—along with bleachers full of constituents carefully selected for their ethnic diversity and ability to stay awake during speeches about tax policy—will serve as the TV-ready backdrop for Pence’s remarks. The holidays are a joyous time of year just about anywhere except in the halls of the United States Capitol.

That’s when deals get cut; legislators cave; taxpayer money goes out the door by the billions; and, more often than not, conservatives lose. “From a conservative standpoint, nothing good comes just a few days before Christmas,” Representative Mark Meadows of North Carolina, the chairman of the House Freedom Caucus, reminded reporters last week. The latest mission for the hard-liners in the Freedom Caucus is making sure Republican leaders don’t agree to set the next crucial federal-funding deadline for December 22, which they fear would leave Democrats with an armful of policy presents and stick conservatives with the legislative equivalent of a lump of coal. Yet in waging this fight over the next deadline, the Freedom Caucus could cause Congress to miss the one staring it in the face: this coming Friday, when the House and Senate must pass a stopgap spending bill or else the government shuts down.

On Monday, President Donald Trump the size of two national monuments in Utah, shrinking Bears Ears by more than a million acres and cutting the size of Grand Staircase–Escalante almost in half. Later in the day, some private companies shared their feelings about public lands. Patagonia, the outdoor-clothing retailer, responded by showing visitors to its website a black page with large white text that read, “The President Stole Your Land.” Under that heading, the company called Trump’s move “illegal.” Those who just came for a fleece sweater could click through to the usual website; the more politically inclined could navigate to a brief on the company’s reasoning (footnoted, no less) and suggestions of nonprofits to donate to. I n my mid-20s, I spent three months living in Broome, a coastal township in Western Australia famous for its moonrises, pink beaches, and pearl farms.

Each morning during what is known locally as “the buildup” (the hot, muggy weeks heralding the wet season), I would stuff a towel in a bag and trudge out to where the red pindan soil—distinctive to the Kimberley region—marbles powdery dunes, longing to dunk my body in the postcard sea. Often, I could go no farther than the water’s edge. Signs pitched by lifeguards along the beach showed a stick figure lashed by a mass of tentacles: Irukandji jellyfish. By midday, the mercury might have drifted above 100 degrees Fahrenheit, and still no one would dare to even dabble in the shallows of the jade ocean—corduroyed by waves—knowing that Irukandji had been detected.

Back from the shoreline, a few tourists resolutely sweated their silhouettes onto beach chairs. If the notices were plucked from the sand in the afternoon, a tense choreography would ensue. Each heat-strained person would approach the surf and make an elaborate pantomime of applying sunscreen or stretching out hamstrings, hoping not to have to be the first to get in. Now that Michael Flynn has pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI, and agreed to dish on his former boss, some Trump-watchers are suggesting that impeachment may be around the corner. “It’s time to start talking about impeachment,” announced a Saturday on The Flynn deal, former Deputy Assistant Attorney General Harry Litman in Friday’s New York Times, “portends the likelihood of impeachable charges being brought against the president of the United States.” That may be true.

But bringing impeachment charges against Trump, and actually forcing him from office, are two vastly different things. And while the former may be more likely today than it was half a year ago, the latter is actually less likely. Since Robert Mueller became special counsel in May, the chances of the House of Representatives passing articles of impeachment—and the Senate ratifying them—have probably gone down. T HIRTY YEARS AGO, nearly half of Louisiana voted for a Klansman, and the media struggled to explain why.

It was 1990 and David Duke, the former grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, astonished political observers when he came within striking distance of defeating incumbent Democratic U.S. Bennett Johnston, earning 43 percent of the vote. If Johnston’s Republican rival hadn’t dropped out of the race and endorsed him at the last minute, the outcome might have been different. To hear more feature stories, or Was it economic anxiety? The Washington Post reported that the state had “a large working class that has suffered through a long recession.” Was it a blow against the state’s hated political establishment? An editorial from United Press International explained, “Louisianans showed the nation by voting for Duke that they were mad as hell and not going to take it any more.” Was it anti-Washington rage?

A Loyola University pollster argued, “There were the voters who liked Duke, those who hated J. Bennett Johnston, and those who just wanted to send a message to Washington.”. JERUSALEM—Even before reports President Trump will declare that Jerusalem is the capital of Israel and eventually move the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, officials were predicting that the announcement would create chaos.

By predetermining the final status of Jerusalem, Trump’s announcement would derail any hope for an Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and spark violent protests across the Middle East. Foreign leaders from across the Arab world have been warning the Trump administration of the potential for violence. King Abdullah II of Jordan, which has custodianship of Christian and Muslim holy sites in Jerusalem, U.S. Lawmakers that the move could be exploited by terrorists to stoke anger in the region. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan threatened to cut diplomatic ties with Israel if the U.S.

Moves its embassy, and Saudi Arabia also condemned the plan. Saeb Erekat, the general secretary of the Palestinian Liberation Organization, said the move would “promote international anarchy and disrespect for global institutions and law.”. The British journalist and sometime-politician Winston Churchill supposedly once said that Americans, having exhausted all alternatives, will do the right thing. If Churchill were writing today, he might offer a parallel formulation: The Republican Party, having exhausted all other alternatives, will do the politically expedient thing—an axiom demonstrated vividly over the last couple days in the GOP’s decision to support U.S. Senate candidate Roy Moore in Alabama after all.

On Monday, President Trump made explicit what he had long made clear in practice:, despite multiple allegations of sexual misconduct involving teenage girls. Later in the evening, the Republican National Committee announced it would reopen the money pipeline to Alabama it had shut off when the party at large cut Moore loose—or so it seemed—in November. George Soros is an exceptionally busy man, at least according to right-wing conspiracy theorists. Just within the last year, he has been credited with single-handedly funding the and movements, as well as with (as a false-flag operation) the white-nationalist rally in Charlottesville against which both of those groups mobilized. Soros has been accused of masterminding Colin Kaepernick’s and the, and with that led H.R.

McMaster, President Donald Trump’s national security adviser, to fire alt-right–aligned staffers. And last week, the supporters of the Alabama Senate candidate Roy Moore that Soros paid women to falsely accuse him of sexual assault. Once upon a time, the sun and moon argued about who would light up the sky. They fought, as anthropomorphic celestial bodies are meant to do, but after the moon proves to be as strong as the sun, they decide to take shifts. The sun would brighten the day, while the moon would illuminate the night. This is one of several stories told by the Agta, a group of hunter-gatherers from the Philippines.

They spend a lot of time spinning yarns to each other, and like their account of the sun and moon, many of these tales are infused with themes of cooperation and equality. That’s no coincidence, says, an anthropologist at University College London.

Storytelling is a universal human trait. It emerges spontaneously in childhood, and exists in all cultures thus far studied. It’s also ancient: Some specific stories have roots that stretch back for around 6,000 years., these tales aren’t quite as old as time, but perhaps as old as wheels and writing. Because of its antiquity and ubiquity, some scholars have portrayed storytelling as an important human adaptation—and that’s certainly how Migliano sees it. Among the Agta, evidence that stories—and the very act of storytelling—arose partly as a way of cementing social bonds, and instilling an ethic of cooperation.